SCOTUS refuses case about 'sensitive locations' gun ban
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"Gun Free Zone" Signs Posted Around Times Square

A “Gun Free Zone” sign posted on 41st Street and 6th Avenue on Aug. 31, 2022 in New York City. (Photo by Michael M. Santiago/Getty Images)

On Monday, the Supreme Court chose not to review a challenge against a New York state law that prohibits firearms in “sensitive locations,” effectively maintaining a lower court’s ruling that supports most of the law’s provisions.

This New York law restricts concealed firearms in designated “sensitive locations” such as health care facilities, public transit systems, museums, churches, parks, entertainment venues, and prominent areas like New York City’s Times Square. Additionally, it mandates that gun owners demonstrate “good moral character” to qualify for concealed carry licenses, which is being contested in a separate case.

The law, known as the Concealed Carry Improvement Act (CCIA), was enacted in July 2022, in response to the U.S. Supreme Court’s previous decision to overturn New York’s firearm licensing framework in the case of New York State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Bruen.

In Bruen, Justice Clarence Thomas wrote for the high court’s majority, saying that under the Second Amendment, gun regulations must have a “historical analogue” before surviving constitutional scrutiny. Since the ruling, there has been significant disagreement among courts — and the justices themselves — about the limits or requirements of the “historical analogue” rule.

Schenectady County resident Ivan Antonyuk filed a federal lawsuit challenging the CCIA and achieved an early win before a trial judge who declared it unconstitutional. U.S. District Judge Glenn T. Suddaby, a George W. Bush appointee, ruled that the several provisions of the New York law were not sufficiently “consistent with this Nation’s historical tradition of firearm regulation,” to withstand constitutional scrutiny.

“Simply stated, instead of moving toward becoming a shall-issue jurisdiction, New York State has further entrenched itself as a shall-not-issue jurisdiction,” Suddaby wrote at the time. “And, by doing so, it has further reduced a first-class constitutional right to bear arms in public for self-defense (which, during the 19th and 18th centuries in America, generally came with an assumption that law-abiding responsible citizens were not a danger to themselves or others unless there was specific ground for a contrary finding) into a mere request (which is burdened with a presumption of dangerousness and the need to show ‘good moral character’).”

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