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This month marks the 25th anniversary of the passing of Auberon Waugh, the son of renowned novelist Evelyn Waugh. Although he couldn’t quite match his father’s literary prowess, Auberon carved out a niche for himself in journalism and took a stab at fiction writing. Unlike his staunchly conservative father, Auberon held at least one intriguing viewpoint.

Waugh was a right-wing advocate for Europe, a stance that defied the typical trend of growing Euroscepticism among the political right. He envisioned Europe as a bulwark against the encroachment of American cultural influence and other modern-day threats. His appreciation for the European project stemmed from his reactionary beliefs, not in spite of them. In this regard, he shares common ground with Jeremy Clarkson, an unexpected supporter of remaining in the EU.

Looking ahead, we can expect more of this shift. The right, particularly the hard right, is likely to increasingly support a unified Europe. Over time, this perspective may gain traction across the continent, if not in the UK. As globalization progresses, traditionalists might come to view a united Europe as a necessary defense against the dominating technological superpowers of the West and East: the United States and China. It might be seen as a fight for cultural preservation.

This notion isn’t entirely new. The concept of a unified Europe was once a conservative idea, rooted in the idea of “Christendom,” long before it became a liberal cause. The EU’s inception even had a Catholic influence, with Robert Schuman, hailed as the “father of Europe,” on the path to sainthood. A decade ago, Europeans protective of their national identities viewed Brussels as the primary threat. Today, they face more daunting challenges than mere regulatory standardization.

However, it’s unlikely that today’s hard right will lead the charge for European unity. Figures like Marine Le Pen have softened their stance on the EU to gain broader electoral support in France, while Giorgia Meloni has shown more willingness to engage with Brussels than anticipated. In Britain, the strength of Euroscepticism is often overestimated, which explains why Brexit did not trigger a wave of exits across the continent.

It won’t be today’s hard right that embraces Europe. True, Marine Le Pen has softened her line on the EU to broaden her electoral appeal in France. Giorgia Meloni has been more co-operative with Brussels than was ever expected. Brits always overestimate the strength of Euroscepticism on the continent, hence the failure of Brexit to set off a domino effect.

But the Le Pen generation cannot make the psychological leap from tolerating European integration to extolling it. The next generation might. An online subculture of pro-European propaganda has flourished of late: some of it inspiring, some of it unnerving in its belligerence. It is to be expected of people who have grown up seeing their continent pushed around over tariffs, tech and Greenland.  

I don’t cheer this stuff on. “My” Europe is the technocratic one of Mario Draghi speeches and court rulings against anti-competitive practices. But my discomfiture is precisely the point. There is no longer only a liberal case for a unified continent, but one that is more about strength in numbers against external predators. When Waugh said that he longed to be ruled by a “junta of Belgian ticket inspectors”, China was still a marginal challenge and the US overwhelmingly friendly. Imagine his enthusiasm for that junta now. 

A hard-right euro-federalist: such a thing, you will say, makes sense on paper but not in real life, like a Penrose triangle. Well, a decade ago, it was just as hard to imagine a pro-Kremlin US Republican. Or even a highly protectionist one. It is possible for a movement to not just change its mind, but exactly reverse it.  

In fact, listen to the language of the hard right closely, and you will see that they are already part of the way towards a United States of Europe position. The current fashion for going on about “European civilisation” or “western civilisation” implicitly downgrades the nation state. (Which self-respecting jingo in the 1990s would have given a hoot about “civilisation”? The unit that mattered was the country.) 

People have slid into this way of talking without quite realising its implications. If the culture that is under siege is at the continental scale, comprising hundreds not tens of millions of people, then so too should be the government that is tasked with protecting it. No one European state is big enough in this world of hostile giants. When the hard right does eventually join the federalist bandwagon, some of us won’t know whether to ask, “What kept you?” or jump straight off.

Email Janan at janan.ganesh@ft.com

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