How Silicon Valley turned Trump into a fellow broligarch
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Welcome to the final edition of Regulator for 2025. If you’re not yet a subscriber to The Verge, now’s the time to join and ensure you’re not on the 2026 naughty list. For those already subscribed, a heartfelt thank you for your support.

Recently, I had the opportunity to speak on The Brian Lehrer Show on WNYC, discussing my coverage of President Donald Trump’s efforts to prevent states from enacting their own AI legislation. Radio appearances are a rarity for me, but they offer a unique platform. Unlike the fleeting seconds you get on cable news or the insular discussions of podcasts, radio invites real-time interaction with everyday listeners. They call in with questions and share how the topics we cover affect their lives, compelling us to think beyond the confines of Washington’s political bubble.

During the show, a caller asked whether Congress had started drafting laws regarding “digital twins,” sophisticated AI models that simulate human behavior for corporate customer service, and more broadly, agentic AI that is increasingly replacing human jobs. I searched my memory for any relevant state or federal legislation but came up empty-handed. Colorado’s anti-bias laws address AI in employment decisions, but not in the broader context of digital twins and their implications.

Over the past year, I’ve delved into tech industry intrigues within Washington, from companies bypassing lobbying rules by funneling funds into Trump’s nonprofits, to MAGA influencers shaping White House policies, and billionaires currying favor with Trump through extravagant gestures. Yet, the narrative that persistently resurfaces is the contentious politics surrounding artificial intelligence. The tech sector is rapidly mobilizing to sway political landscapes in its favor, challenging longstanding governmental norms. While it’s routine for tech giants to financially support politicians and form AI-centered super PACs to influence elections, their current strategy is unprecedented.

What sets this apart is their aggressive push to dismantle existing laws without offering federal alternatives. They’ve lobbied for Congress to bar states from crafting their own AI regulations, and when that failed, persuaded the president to issue an executive order penalizing states that pursued independent legislation. Some have even tried to influence the Library of Congress to alter copyright and intellectual property protections. They’ve floated ideas for federal regulation, suggesting the Federal Communications Commission might extend its telecom oversight to AI, all under the guise of competing with China in the AI domain.

However, these efforts rarely address the urgent human costs associated with AI. Public concern about AI is palpable, with bipartisan fears of job displacement and frequent reports of generative AI causing psychological distress, particularly among young users. Beyond that, there’s the environmental toll of data centers, the potential for adversarial misuse (with China often cited as a threat), and the existential risks posed by unchecked AI advancements.

When I first came on board in February — one month after Big Tech CEOs watched Trump get sworn into office, and weeks after Elon Musk began decimating the federal workforce — I laid out my thesis for The Verge’s political coverage: Technology is transforming human behavior, and human behavior shapes politics. At the time, I’d anticipated that Trump would represent the wave of populist discontent, largely targeted against Big Tech, that had swept him back into office, and that he’d represent their interests.

But less than a year later, it seems like the tables have turned: Trump’s voters are confronting the abstract, faceless, and unrestrained force of artificial intelligence influencing their lives in dimensions they could have never imagined — and the president is all too happy to help its billionaire creators take over.

  • Feeding the machine, Josh Dzieza & Hayden Field: Frontier labs like OpenAI and Anthropic need vast amounts of data in the race to achieve AGI. This comes at a pretty penny — billions of dollars — and little-known companies like Mercor and Handshake are cleaning up in this AI hype cycle.
  • Stack Overflow users don’t trust AI. They’re using it anyway, Decoder: CEO Prashanth Chandrasekar talks to The Verge editor-in-chief Nilay Patel on how ChatGPT became an “existential moment” for Stack Overflow.
  • What 1,000 pages of documents tell us about DOGE”, Lauren Feiner: As Brendan Carr heads to Capitol Hill, newly released documents still don’t say much about what DOGE did at the FCC.
  • The ‘mad rush’ to install solar panels before tax credits run outJustine Calma: The solar industry is pivoting to survive Donald Trump’s attacks on clean energy.
  • Parents call for New York governor to sign landmark AI safety bill, Hayden Field: They called it “minimalist guardrails” that should set a standard.
  • Racks of AI chips are too damn heavy, Elissa Weille: Old data centers physically cannot support rows and rows of GPUs, which is one reason for the massive AI data center buildout.

And now, even more Holiday Season Recess.

Regulator will be off for the next two weeks for the holidays, and quite fittingly, will return on January 6th. In the meantime, here is a canon position on The Discourse from Die Hard writer Steven de Souza:

Image via @StevenEdeSouza/X.

Image via @StevenEdeSouza/X.

In the spirit of Merriam-Webster’s word of the year: Merry slop-mas and a happy slop year.

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