In the heart of Georgia’s political landscape, a perplexing enigma unfolds: who is orchestrating the barrage of critiques against Republican Lt. Gov. Burt Jones? This question looms large, capturing the attention of both political insiders and everyday citizens alike.

Operating under the moniker “Georgians for Integrity,” an unidentified group has funneled approximately $5 million into a campaign of television commercials, mailers, and text messages. These communications allege that Jones, who is vying for the governor’s seat with a nod of approval from former President Donald Trump, has misused his position for personal financial gain.

For Georgians settling in to enjoy a football game since Thanksgiving, these ads have become an unavoidable fixture. They mark the commencement of the fierce Republican nomination battle, slated for resolution in the primary elections come May. This episode underscores not just the contentious nature of state politics but also highlights the pervasive influence of dark money, as undisclosed entities steer substantial funds to sway public opinion.

The response from the Jones campaign has been one of vehement opposition, with threats of legal action directed at television stations airing what their attorney deems “demonstrably false” and defamatory advertisements.

Despite these threats, the ads persist in their broadcast.

“They seek anonymity, wield substantial financial power, and propagate deceit about me and my family,” Jones expressed during a December 16 interview with WSB-AM, denouncing the ads as “fabricated trash.”

Attorney General Chris Carr and Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger, Jones’ top rivals for the Republican nomination, say they are not involved in the attacks. All three want to succeed Republican Gov. Brian Kemp, who can’t run again because of term limits. There are also multiple Democrats vying for the state’s top office.

Dark money marches on

The Georgia Republican Party has filed a complaint with the State Ethics Commission. The GOP claims the ads violate Georgia’s campaign finance law against spending on an election without registering and disclosing donors.

“I think there are far-reaching consequences to allowing this activity to go forward unchecked,” state Republican Party Chairman Josh McKoon told The Associated Press. “And the consequences are much broader than the outcome of the May primary.”

It’s a further filtering down of the U.S. Supreme Court’s 2010 Citizens United decision, which led to dramatic increases in independent spending in U.S. elections, said Shanna Ports, senior legal counsel for the Washington, D.C.-based Campaign Legal Center, which seeks to reduce the influence of money in politics.

“Dark money is becoming more and more the norm in races, up and down the ballot, and at early times,” Ports said.

Claims that Jones has been engaged in self-dealing are nothing new —- Carr has been making similar attacks for months. But things escalated after Georgians for Integrity was incorporated in Delaware on Nov. 24, according to that state’s corporation records. The entity identifies itself as a nonprofit social welfare organization under the federal tax code, a popular way to organize campaign spending that lets a group hide its donors.

The Jones campaign says the ad falsely leads viewers to believe that Jones enabled government to take land through eminent domain to help support his family’s interest in a massive data center development in Jones’ home county south of Atlanta. As a state senator, Jones did vote for a 2017 law that opened a narrow exception in Georgia’s law prohibiting governments from conveying property seized through condemnation proceedings to private developers. But eminent domain isn’t being used to benefit the $10 billion development that government filings show could include 11 million square feet (1 million square meters) of data centers.

Group’s records are a dead end

Georgians for Integrity lists its local address as a mailbox at an Atlanta office supply store east on some paperwork submitted to television stations. A media buyer named Alex Roberts, with a Park City, Utah, address, is also listed on those papers, but he hasn’t responded to an email from the AP. Neither has Kimberly Land, a Columbus, Ohio, lawyer listed on incorporation papers. After weeks of heavy spending, no one has proved who’s providing the cash.

The Republican Party contends Georgians for Integrity is an independent committee under Georgia law. That means it can raise and spend unlimited sums, but must register before accepting contributions and must disclose its donors.

But that law identifies such committees as expending “funds either for the purpose of affecting the outcome of an election for any elected office or to advocate the election or defeat of any particular candidate.” And the ads targeting Jones don’t ever identify him as running for governor or mention the 2026 elections, instead urging viewers to call Jones and “Tell Burt, stop profiting off taxpayers.”

But McKoon said those are “semantic games” and that regular voters would definitely think the ads are designed to influence them.

“If you are funding a message that is designed to impact an election — and I think it strains credulity to argue that that is not the case here — then you ought to have to comply with the campaign finance laws that the legislature has seen fit to pass,” McKoon said.