Bob Brooks’ Working-Class Pitch Meets Financial Questions in PA-7

House Democrats’ 2026 slate has already drawn controversy, with critics pointing to several nominees whose records and political views have sparked fierce debate. The list includes a socialist Muslim activist accused of disrespecting the American flag, a candidate who served as a character witness for a convicted terrorist, and a returning congresswoman facing unproven allegations about her family background and past marriage.

By comparison, Democrats in Pennsylvania’s 7th Congressional District may appear to have chosen a less incendiary nominee in Bob Brooks. Yet Brooks brings his own liabilities: a carefully cultivated working-class image, strong ties to the Bernie Sanders wing of the Democratic Party, and a financial history that has attracted considerable scrutiny.

PA-7 is my home district in Pennsylvania’s Lehigh Valley, encompassing major cities including Allentown and Bethlehem. Political analyst Michael Barone has characterized the district as an important national bellwether, and its electorate has traditionally been viewed as moderate. Based on the 2024 and 2020 presidential results, the district enters the 2026 election with a Cook Partisan Voter Index rating of R+1, meaning it voted one percentage point more Republican than the country as a whole.

Republican Ryan Mackenzie, who is serving his first term in Congress, currently represents PA-7. Brooks is challenging him in the upcoming election. For full disclosure, I have known and liked Rep. Mackenzie for many years.

The only publicly available independent poll of the contest, conducted by Franklin & Marshall College, showed Brooks leading Mackenzie 45 percent to 40 percent, while 16 percent of respondents remained undecided. I have not found the college’s polling especially reliable in the past. RealClearPolitics’ generic numbers currently show Democrats with an 8.1-point advantage. That figure may reflect unusually strong Democratic enthusiasm driven by opposition to President Donald Trump, while potentially underrepresenting Republican voters.

Several prominent Republicans have visited the district to campaign for Mackenzie, including Vice President JD Vance, House Speaker Mike Johnson of Louisiana’s 4th District, House Judiciary Committee Chairman Jim Jordan of Ohio’s 4th District, and newly elected RNC Chairman Joe Gruters. Gruters appeared in the district last Sunday, addressing a room filled with roughly 50 Republican volunteers despite a heavy rainstorm.

Remarks from Rep. Mackenzie are available here, and his campaign website can be found here.

Brooks is seeking elected office for the first time. A former longtime firefighter and firefighters’ union president, he has emphasized his identity as a working-class candidate. A training video from Democratic campaign consultants, however, has prompted critics to argue that the image is highly managed. Brooks is also a lobbyist, owns hundreds of thousands of shares of stock, and has an estimated net worth ranging from approximately $148,000 to $3.89 million.

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His policy agenda also places him firmly on the progressive side of the Democratic Party. Brooks supports Medicare for All, a government-run health care proposal that would substantially limit the role of private insurance; he has received Planned Parenthood’s endorsement; and he favors removing the income ceiling on Social Security payroll taxes. He also backs trillions of dollars in additional annual federal spending, a plan that critics say would require significant tax increases beyond those aimed at billionaires. Brooks has been endorsed by Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders, making him a prominent ally of the party’s democratic-socialist movement even though he is not formally affiliated with the Democratic Socialists of America.

His campaign has also benefited from substantial financial support from progressive donors, including contributors associated with prominent liberal networks and the Soros family. That fundraising profile contrasts sharply with Brooks’ effort to present himself as an ordinary working man.

Brooks’ financial record has generated additional questions. His former mother-in-law sued him, alleging that he concealed assets to avoid paying more than $162,000; after the matter became part of the campaign debate, the case was resolved through a confidential settlement. Records also indicate that a lawn-care company he operated went more than four years without workers’ compensation insurance, which could violate Pennsylvania law. During the COVID-19 pandemic, Brooks reportedly certified on applications for federally backed business loans that he had no outstanding judgments and had not defaulted on loans, despite court records that appeared to show otherwise. Knowingly providing material false information to obtain federal financial assistance can carry criminal penalties. Other local records reportedly include foreclosures, liens, and debt-collection actions.

Brooks was recently featured in a U.S. News & World Report article examining the controversies surrounding his candidacy. The report also cited social-media posts in which he allegedly referred to volunteer firefighters using derogatory language, claims that he served as a steward at a social club accused of maintaining an unofficial whites-only policy, and Facebook content featuring imagery critics described as far-right.

My phone is now crowded with campaign messages, including attack ads and positive spots from Mackenzie, Brooks, and outside groups. Brooks has leaned heavily into his working-class branding, with at least one ad from him or his allies mocking the value of college degrees. Brooks does not have a college degree, while Mackenzie holds a bachelor’s degree and an MBA from Harvard. Meanwhile, Mackenzie’s campaign has released advertisements highlighting the allegations surrounding Brooks. His campaign’s X/Twitter account is available here.

The contest recalls another Pennsylvania 7th District race, this one in 1998. Democratic state Sen. Roy Afflerbach ran against businessman Pat Toomey, presenting himself as the practical working-class alternative to an unfamiliar, highly credentialed opponent. The strategy failed. Even in a year when Democrats gained House seats nationally despite the historical “six-year itch” facing a president’s party during Bill Clinton’s administration, Toomey won the district with 55 percent of the vote.

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