Today, a significant number of New Yorkers will head to the polls for special elections in New York City and Buffalo. Despite the semblance of democratic activity, the real decision regarding who will fill the Senate and Assembly seats—vacated by Zohran Mamdani, Sean Ryan, Brad Hoylman-Sigal, and Harvey Epstein following their election to city offices—has already been quietly decided by party insiders weeks prior to the ballots being cast. Consequently, the voters in those districts are left with little influence over the outcome.

If this scenario strikes you as undemocratic, you are not mistaken. Elections are meant to empower citizens with the ability to select their representatives. However, the special election process in New York State circumvents this principle, turning what should be a competitive electoral process into an orchestrated affair that resembles a coronation more than a genuine contest.

The current state law dictates that special elections occur without primary elections. Instead, candidates are handpicked in private meetings by local party officials. In districts where one party holds significant sway—common in New York City and Buffalo—a small group of insiders decides on their preferred candidate, making the subsequent election nearly a mere formality.

In today’s special elections, the likely victors are Democrats chosen by county party leadership, leaving voters with limited options and diminishing motivation to participate.

Alarmingly, this scenario is not uncommon. About 20% of the current members of the New York State Legislature initially secured their positions through special elections.

However, an alternative approach exists. New York City provides a more democratic model worth considering.

When vacancies occur in New York City offices — including City Council, borough president, and even citywide positions — the city holds nonpartisan special elections. The result is more competition, more campaigning, and far greater voter engagement.

The difference is striking. Turnout in New York City’s nonpartisan special elections is double that of state legislative special elections held under the current insider-controlled system. When multiple candidates — often several Democrats — compete for the same seat, they are forced to knock on doors, articulate positions, and energize supporters. Voters respond when their choices feel real.

By contrast, state special elections discourage competition by design. Party insiders pick a nominee, campaigns are truncated to a few short weeks, and challengers are locked out before the public ever hears their names. In overwhelmingly Democratic districts, the outcome is almost always predetermined, further depressing turnout and weakening accountability.

This system doesn’t just dampen participation; it actively promotes party patronage.

An example of the deep flaws in this process has been illustrated in Buffalo over the last few weeks. When state Sen. Sean Ryan was elected mayor, his Senate seat became vacant. Assemblyman Jonathan Rivera announced his interest in running, as did others. But the rules governing special elections allowed the Erie County Democratic Party chair to take the nomination for himself.

This is precisely the kind of scenario that erodes public trust. It reinforces the perception that political power flows through party hierarchies rather than from voters, and that insider status matters more than grassroots support.

Gov. Hochul acknowledged the problem last year and publicly committed to reforming the special elections process. Yet no changes have been enacted. Now, in 2026, voters across the state are once again being asked to head to the polls under this broken system.

New York should adopt a nonpartisan special election model for state legislative vacancies, similar to the one already used successfully in New York City. Such a system would open the field to more candidates, reduce the power of party gatekeepers, and give voters a genuine choice — without leaving districts unrepresented for long periods of time.

Standalone special elections already suffer from chronically low turnout. At a moment when faith in democracy is fragile, the state should be doing everything possible to increase voter engagement — not run elections designed to minimize participation.

With four special elections on the ballot today, Albany has yet another reminder that the current system is failing. If state leaders are serious about strengthening democracy, this is a reform they can no longer put off.

Rauh is executive director of Citizens Union, New York’s oldest good government group.