The recent presidential election in Ireland serves as a vivid illustration of the country’s complex political landscape. On one side, the election unfolds amid a growing wave of public dissatisfaction over the unprecedented levels of immigration into the nation.
Contrasting this rising nationalist sentiment, however, is the decisive election of Ireland’s most left-leaning presidential candidate to date. The electorate has overwhelmingly chosen Catherine Connolly, a figure known for her radical socialist views, strong advocacy for minority rights, and critical stance against Western ‘imperialism.’
Catherine Connolly, soon to be the Head of State, embodies the progressive ideals that many in Ireland are increasingly challenging. Despite her significant win, her presidency may pave the way for further division within the country.
Connolly’s victory comes in the wake of violent unrest in Dublin, sparked by reports alleging that a failed asylum seeker from Africa assaulted a ten-year-old girl. Such incidents have fueled public demonstrations against the open-border policies of the ruling coalition, comprised of the centrist parties Fianna Fail and Fine Gael, in power since 2020.
Much like the situation in England, some of the most heated protests have taken place outside former hotels now serving as shelters for asylum seekers. The rapid demographic changes due to immigration have been a focal point of concern. In the last four years alone, Ireland has seen an influx of over 100,000 immigrants annually, a significant number for a nation with just 5.5 million residents.
Independent candidate Catherine Connolly (left) won the race to become Irish president after Fine Gael runner Heather Humphreys conceded
Again, like in England, many of the most explosive protests have taken place outside former hotels now used to house asylum seekers. The sheer scale of the demographic change caused by immigration has also raised alarm. In each of the past four years, more than 100,000 newcomers have arrived – a huge influx for a small island with a population of just 5.5million people.
But the anti-immigration movement will find no support from Ms Connolly, who is the embodiment of progressive sentimentality. A former psychologist and lawyer, she brings to the presidency all the predictable opinions of hard-Left groupthink, including antipathy towards Nato and condemnation of Israel – which she has accused of perpetrating ‘genocide’ in Gaza. As a pacifist, she has called for the abolition of the Irish army, while she also backs the decriminalisation of drugs.
In fact, there are striking parallels between her rise and that of Jeremy Corbyn, Britain’s own silver-haired radical. Ms Connolly, like Corbyn, was in her late 60s, without any experience of ministerial office, when she reached the top.
She, like he, also fell out with the Labour party. Having once been a leading Irish Labour politician in her native Galway, she resigned in 2007 over her perception that the party was blocking her ambitions. She subsequently won her seat in the Dail (the Irish parliament) in 2016 and the presidency as an independent.
Like Corbyn, she has a gift for generating combustible rows with her words and actions. Her recent comparison between increased German military spending and Nazi rearmament in the 1930s provoked widespread outrage, as did her visit to Syria under the Assad regime in 2018.
She is often described by colleagues in the Dail as personally ‘affable’ but politically ‘dogmatic and inflexible’ – again, reminiscent of the MP for Islington North.
Even the rhythms of their oratory are similar, often repeating the same phrase with thudding regularity, such as ‘the normalisation of…’ be it ‘inequality’, ‘violence’ or ‘genocide’.
Ms Connolly – who is supported by the Left-wing parties of Ireland – says she is ‘absolutely delighted’ with the polling results
So how did this controversial figure emerge as such a frontrunner? This was the first two-horse race for half a century, and part of the answer lies in the weakness of her rival, Fine Gael’s Heather Humphreys. She was handicapped by her Ulster Protestant heritage and relatives’ past membership of the sectarian Orange Order.
On the campaign trail, Ms Humphreys emerged as a poor debater and speaker with little command of the Irish language, whereas Ms Connolly was fluent on every stage in either English or Gaelic.
In addition, Ms Humphreys’s stress on her establishment credentials as a long-serving minister only boosted her opponent’s status as an outsider.
Despite her rigid socialism, Ms Connolly proved a surprisingly deft operator, holding together a volatile, Left-wing alliance of support that embraced Labour, the Communists, Sinn Fein, the Greens and the Social Democrats. She was just as skilful in her use of social media, which revealed parts of her character beyond the politician.
One post – which went globally viral – showed her impressive skills in football and basketball. Her sporting prowess was also put in the spotlight through revelations about her long-distance running, where she achieved a highly creditable personal best in the marathon of 3 hours 36 minutes.
This was part of an inspiring back story that enhanced her popular appeal. Born on the outskirts of Galway, she was one of 14 siblings and from the age of nine – when her mother died – was brought up by her father, a carpenter and boat-builder. She described him as a quiet man of principle who taught her not to prejudice marginalised groups such as travellers and migrants.
Her early faith in socialism was also fostered by her involvement with the Legion of Mary, a worldwide Catholic organisation that encourages voluntary work.
A mural of Ms Connolly sits beside the waterways of Dublin, the capital of Ireland
She has been married for 33 years and has two grown-up sons. But the pressures on her family will now intensify. As President, her job will be largely ceremonial, but she will have important political powers, such as the right to appoint the Taoiseach (Prime Minister), dissolve or summon parliament and choose other senior members of the Government. She will also be Ireland’s representative to the world.
That explains why the position has had such constitutional importance in the Republic’s history. When Ireland first gained autonomy from Britain in 1921, the Head of State was still the English sovereign, something that deeply offended the Republican movement which had fought so long for full independence. But, as Taoiseach from 1932, the wily Republican leader Eamon De Valera embarked on a process of gradually dismantling the apparatus of royal influence.
In 1937, he took the step of abolishing the quasi-colonial position of Governor-General, replacing it with a president – the respected academic Douglas Hyde. Ireland became a fully fledged Republic in 1949 and the presidency diminished in importance, becoming a kind of retirement award for senior politicians from the dominant Fianna Fail party.
But all that changed in 1990 with the election of Labour lawyer Mary Robinson, the first non-Fianna Fail, and the first female, president. Though many found her sanctimonious, she brought a new international profile to the role, especially through her work on human rights. Her platitudinous, earnest manner set the tone for future presidents, which her two immediate successors, Mary McAleese (another lawyer) and Michael Higgins (a politician and poet) eagerly bought into.
Dripping with moral righteousness, this kind of leadership is the prime reason why the Irish political class is seen as one of the most woke in the world. And Ms Connolly will just accelerate that trend.
