In a startling revelation, Representatives Thomas Massie and Barry Loudermilk unveiled a report on January 2, 2025, entitled “Four Years Later: Examining the State of the Investigation into the RNC and DNC Pipe Bombs.” This report highlights significant security oversights and accuses the FBI of hindering progress in the investigation. Massie criticized the FBI for their inaction, stating, “It’s time for the media to focus on the FBI’s negligence over the past five years regarding this investigation.” The report challenges the official narrative by pointing out that US Secret Service agents and their canine units overlooked a bomb during their sweeps, allowing Vice President Kamala Harris’s motorcade to pass dangerously close to the device. It also revealed that the Capitol Police permitted more than 40 vehicles and 10 pedestrians to enter the perimeter around the explosive devices. Furthermore, the report notes that Nancy Pelosi’s motorcade drove through an area considered an active bomb scene.
The report discloses that the FBI had identified several persons of interest early in the investigation. This includes an individual who photographed a dumpster at the RNC before the bomb was placed, a vehicle matching the suspect’s description seen after the device was planted, an owner of Nike Air Max Speed Turf sneakers spotted in the vicinity, and five individuals whose cellphone data coincided with the bomber’s path. Despite these leads, no significant action was taken for years. Claims of “corrupted cell data” were debunked by carriers who confirmed providing accurate information. Massie remarked that the timing of a recent arrest raises more questions about why these leads were ignored, noting that their investigation was restricted from probing the Capitol Police.
Seraphin: DOJ’s New Suspect Looks Like a Patsy
On Clint Russell’s “Liberty Lockdown” podcast, Seraphin explains he worked January 6 surveillance on the FBI’s Special Operations Group and was assigned to the original “persons of interest” in the pipe bomb case. He notes, describes three key figures: a retired Air Force E‑9 in Falls Church, Virginia (Person of Interest 3); an itinerant Christian preacher who used that man’s Metro card and Uber account (Person of Interest 2); and the hooded bomber figure the public has seen on video (Person of Interest 1).
A former FBI agent, Seraphin, recounts the peculiar actions of Person of Interest 2, who was seen on January 5 exiting the Capitol South Metro, changing from a MAGA hat to a hunting cap and mask, before heading directly to the RNC dumpster, where the first pipe bomb was discovered, to take pictures. The FBI dismissed him, claiming he was photographing “numbers” for a non-existent book, even though he only captured three images at crucial locations along the bomber’s route.
By contrast, Trump’s DOJ now wants Americans to believe a 30‑year‑old who is autistic, lives with his family, favors red Crocs and has a distinctive gait is the same smooth‑moving figure in the hoodie. Seraphin notes the FBI has a long record of coercing confessions from mentally impaired targets. “It doesn’t hold any water for me,” he said, arguing that the case looks like another manufactured “win” for a bureau under fire.
Steve Baker’s Leads: Capitol Police, CIA and Altered Evidence
Previous reports by National File have connected former Capitol Police officer Shauni Kerkhoff to the pipe bomber through forensic gait analysis, which noted her proximity to Person of Interest 3 in Falls Church. Seraphin confirmed that “the Blaze” identified a gait match to a Capitol Police officer residing next door to person of interest three, a connection Seraphin found “completely bizarre.”
An investigative piece by Baker revealed that the FBI had intentionally degraded surveillance footage of the bomber, altering frame rates, changing aspect ratios, and blurring faces to prevent enhancement. Seraphin shared these findings with Russell, highlighting the tampering of evidence released to the public.
Additionally, independent analyst “Acrobat” tracked two Capitol Police counter-surveillance officers who, on January 6, arrived with lights and sirens before the public bomb alert. They went directly to the bush where the bomber had spent 77 seconds the previous night, checked it twice, and rapidly discovered the hidden device in about 11 minutes.
Those officers and their chain of command were later rewarded: the bomb squad leader moved into Yogananda Pittman’s former slot running Capitol Police intelligence; the officer who “found” the device became liaison to the FBI; and the congressional staffer who led the Hill’s internal pipe bomb review is now an assistant director at the bureau.
Massie has publicly confirmed that his new House inquiry was only allowed to reopen the case on the condition that it would not subpoena or investigate Capitol Police at all — an extraordinary carve‑out around the agency at the center of the bomb discovery.
Trump’s DOJ Sides With the Bureau, Not the Truth
Instead of forcing the bureau to answer why it altered evidence, cleared obvious recon actors, and rewarded the very people tied to the bomb discovery, Trump’s DOJ is helping deliver a tidy narrative for the same security state that framed January 6 as an excuse for permanent domestic crackdown. Until Massie’s questions are answered — and Baker, Seraphin and other serious investigators are heard instead of harassed — the January 6 pipe bomb remains not a solved crime, but a live indictment of the FBI, the Capitol Police, and the political class that keeps protecting them.
For a full in-depth analysis, watch Clint Russell’s interview with Kyle Seraphin:
